By prioritizing the relaunch of old programs without bringing anything new to the showcase, Lula has become intellectually slow. By surrendering unconditionally to the physiological band of Congress, he revealed himself to be morally nimble. By delaying the formulation of economic reforms, he was politically slow. For a president who was re-re-re-elected promising the electorate a third term much better than the previous two, any of these speeds is an insult.
This Thursday, while sharing breakfast with journalists, Lula declared that he is “very, very, very, very satisfied” with the first results of his semi-new government. As the conversation progressed, the president’s optimism faded. At one point, he referred to the anniversary of the 100th day of his administration, to be celebrated this Monday, as a kind of restart, “another phase”, marked by stimuli for the economy.
With the recreation of programs such as educational credit, the purchase of food from small farmers, Minha Casa, Minha Vida, Mais Médicos and Bolsa Família, the government demonstrated that the future was much better in the old days, when there was no Bolsonaro. But Lula himself seems to admit that this tomorrow of yesterday does not correspond to the genuine future promised in the presidential campaign as if he were there, on the corner, radiant, ready to be felt in a new present.
the fall itself
“I’m not going to keep talking about the things we’ve done. I’m going to start talking about the things we’re going to do from now on,” Lula told journalists. The phrase sounded like a fall in itself, an admission that the future of the past can produce disillusionment in the part of society that bet on the commitment that what would come would be different from everything that already was.
Adjusting Lula’s optimism to reality is a good start. The problem is that the authentic future is an imprecise space. In it, we all fit and everything fits, because, like every future, it cannot be charged or checked before it is built. And construction does not depend only on the government. Lula himself admitted, between sips of coffee and bites of cheese bread, that he is not sure about the approval of his reforms in Congress.
“It is very difficult to think of a political coalition system with the number of parties we have. With 30 parties, it is very complicated“, said Lula, with a hint of resignation. For now, there is more to give than give in the relationship between the Executive and the Legislative. Lula lamented the congressional paralysis caused by the power dispute between Arthur Lira and Rodrigo Pacheco, presidents of the Chamber and the Senate. “I’m sure the two will come to an agreement. The country cannot stand still.”
the orgasm
The good news is that Lula still has three years and nine months left to deliver the third consecrating term he promised. The great news is that he exhibits a willingness to challenge. He evoked a mythical character. “As Dr. Ulysses Guimarães used to say, politics is like an orgasm for human beings. We cannot live without it.”
Lula became an atypical president. Fate has given him three possessions. The first, when he went up the ramp to receive the sash of society representatives. The second, in the footsteps of the 8th of January, when presided over a meeting that seemed unthinkable. Sitting alongside the heads of Congress and the Federal Supreme Court, he received governors and representatives from all states, including opposition ones.
The visitors had no claims. In a collective reparation for democracy, they went to show solidarity the day after the Bolsonarist attack against the Three Powers. After walking through a shattered palatial hall, Lula and his guests descended the Planalto ramp and crossed the Praça dos Três Poderes on foot, to inspect the ruins of the Supreme Court plenary. The Bolsonarist Capitol of January 8 produced an unlikely national union around the defense of democracy.
the worst alternatives
Taken by the words, Lula seems determined to convert the celebration of 100 days into a third inauguration. He knows that the specter of political extremism has not been entirely exorcised. The consolidation of the process depends on the extent of the punishments. There are great expectations regarding the punishment to be imposed on Bolsonaro in the electoral and criminal fields. It turns out that at least the captain’s ineligibility is already taken for granted.
No redemption will be complete, however, if the new management fails. The government’s poor performance would provide material for a myth with feet of clay to travel through the conjuncture as an electoral cable of anti-democratic options.
Still alive Churchill’s famous tirade about democracy being the worst regime imaginable except for all the others. It is inconceivable that, at this point, the Democrats are trying so hard to prove that everyone who preaches the worst alternatives is right.
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